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None of their nine films are signed. Rather, members of DVG claimed authorship of them a posteriori in interviews or written documents. It also depended on political reality; consequently, it could be said that its content social figures in struggle prevailed over its form.


This means that it attempted to demystify the process of cinematic production and the notion of the cinematographic image as a pure or objective register of reality, seeking to produce self-knowledge based on self-criticism. This program insists on a theoretical preoccupation with the relationships between world, image, and representation. It also shows their effort to account for the explosion of information and the transformation of art into information. With the hope of expanding their innovations to television, Godard and Gorin sought out the technical and financial alternative of televisual production.

According to Benjamin, a progressive work of art will innovate technically at the same time that it places the means of production at the disposal of the masses—which translates in Godard and Gorin to technical innovations and to the pedagogical aspects of their movies. Mao designed this method because for him, complex things hold many contradictions in their process of development, and it is contradiction that makes them change. Following Maoist method, Godard and Gorin located a principle contradiction dominating a concrete situation and subordinated all other contradictions pertaining to the situation to the principal one.

After isolating the contradictions, Godard and Gorin built images according to these contradictions and proceeded to engage in self-critique. This was a pedagogical enterprise in a Brechtian vein that maintained the fiction necessary for artistic discourse while at the same time distancing the viewer and the filmmakers from the ideological implications inherent to the concrete situations they analyzed in their films. They do this in , concurrent with the Palestinian revolution.

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In the voiceover Godard declares:. We did what many others were doing. With any image: Vietnam. On this account, the Maoists failed due to an excess of dissent. Art had been drowned out by politics. The father can neither work nor help, like the union delegate or the intellectual. Explaining and helping to understand, which are tasks for intellectuals, militants, and fathers, are deferred or put out of work.

They are speechless. As we saw in Part I of this essay, Godard criticized Sartre for being unable to bridge his double position as writer and as intellectual. For Sartre, insofar as images are mute, they are open receptacles of meaning and therefore invite ambiguous readings, as opposed to conveying a clear, unified message, like writing. Sartre claims that only literature can be successful as committed art because the writer guides his audience through a description, making them see the symbols of injustice and thereby provoking their indignation.

A reflexive or analogical link between aesthetics and politics implies a relationship that acknowledges the presence of the other: they are separate, but aware of each other. After the dissolution of the Proletarian Left in , it became necessary for the Maoists to reconceptualize engaged practice in order to further the politics of direct democracy. They publicly rejected their earlier Maoist activism, a gesture that went hand in hand with their critique of anti-totalitarianism. The newspaper sought to democratically let all sides in a given conflict speak.

Influenced by the mass media theories of Benjamin, Brecht, and Enzensberger, their argument was that capital had hijacked the means of communication to promote and realize ideology. In this account, the media is posited as intransitive because it produces non-communication. In other words, communication through the media is unilateral. Such a position overlooks the fact that in essence, the media is speech without response. Even if efforts are geared toward the problem of the idle, passive reader-consumer whose freedom is reduced like the viewer of political films to the acceptance or rejection of content, such efforts are fruitless.

For him, all three share the logic of providing a coded state of affairs with which we must either agree or disagree, without having any agency over the content. The regimes of visibilities can be divided into categories slogan-images and trademark-images , genres documentary, photojournalistic, pedagogic, epic , series revolutionary additions, libidinal politics , and media televisual screen, photography, and cinema. Godard differentiates images by de-chaining them from their commonsensical chains of signification and re-chaining or recoding them in such a way that their signifiers become heterogeneous.

Such heterogeneity resists the formation of a visual discourse resonant with the commonsensical image of the Palestinian revolution found in photojournalistic and documentary images visible in the French mass media.

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In their work, the task of art is to separate and transform the continuum of image and sound meaning into a series of fragments, postcards, and lessons, outlining a tension between visuality and discourse. This is due not only to the mediatization of intellectual mediation sketched out above, but most importantly, because of the ethical and political problems raised by the Palestinian footage in relation to militant engagement with Third World revolutionary movements and the pervasiveness of images of such movements in the media.

What Is To Be Done? When the armed masses start to take up the arguments of Reason against War, however, this signifies the end of War. As Fredric Jameson has demonstrated, the leftist ideologemes mentioned here are part of a materialist theoretical practice that was derived from certain readings and practices of Marxism in the Sixties. It dissolved in due to internal conflicts. Thus, the writer function implies a subject separate from the real subject that becomes manifest in the here and now of the reader encountering the text.

What is Literature? First published in France in Nicole Brenez et. Paris: Centre Pompidou, , Furthermore, each individual film was dominated by an additional political line. On a pris des images et on a mis le son trop fort. Emphasis mine. In a number of US protests against the war in Vietnam used Guernica as a peace symbol. Ellen C. Hence, it always has a certain eeriness. Paradigmatically, the visual impression amere shadow is only shaken through the contrasting presence of the voice standing in for the absence of the eye, or the optical presence.

Commentators can be narrators including the first-person narrative voice and authors as in the auctorial narrator , as well as antagonistic toward the onscreen events. They are more or less distanced from the events being narrated. Thus film represents another way of dealing with space and time. As if the voice drifts around on the surface, inside and outside, simultaneously, without having a place to settle down.

The stranger who came to be in a film about peace insisted upon seeing everything the photographs of the destroyed city, the newsreels of the burned and mutilated bodies. She was in the museum, with its documents, its reconstructions and explanations, all of the memorializing material that is also seen in the film.

And nevertheless, another voice, from off-camera, repeats that nothing has been seen, everything has been invented. Whereupon the female voice begins to tell everything she knows about terror, in order to prove that she has not invented anything.

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They narrate a great deal and stage very little in the sense of being an incarnation of vocal authority. Its most important principle is that the work should speak, not the artist. Authorship per se already opens up a highly dialectic game between presence in absence and absence in presence.

In the essay film, an acousmatic voice meaning, one that comments but cannot be visually identified only seems to speak in the name of the author. Who, then, is speaking? Is it always the work? But who makes the work speak? Who is the ubiquitous acousmatic ventriloquist? Word and image In the overall reception of Marker's work, two positions can be recognized that have to do with the relationship between voice and gaze. First, a logophonocentric position, which assumes that the voice is the source that gives meaning and acts as a synthesizer; and secondly, a neodeconstructive position, which in a certain way considers the voice as a supplement, added later to make sense of the images.

As Barthes' and Marker's similar definitions emphasized, acknowledging the opposition of the independent image and sound editing, as well as the way the view and the voice are organized, serves to liberate the visual narrative, which should no longer be used to illustrate or imagine solely linguistic semantics. Conversely, the text must no longer expose the truth of the images, but instead, can devote itself with iconic detachment to the chronology of events in the universe of discourse, just as the visual track merely delivers images that simply want to be what they are, to wit: images.

Marker allows the pictura to have a referential dialectic with other absent images in order to use the written image to develop a new way of reading things, an analytical reading of the visual, which at the same time includes its inverse or the abyss of illusion, memory, or knowledge.

Since his early film works, Marker has been revealing this dialectic of images through the double representational function of sound and screen image.

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Each scene was repeated with different accompanying commentary: first procommunist propaganda, then cynical defeatism, and finally, sobering facts. It does not deform the reality of Siberia, but it stops it in a judgmental moment, and thus actually does deform it. What counts is the movement and the diversity. Walking through the streets of Jakutsk will not give you an understanding ofSiberia.

In addition, one needs an imaginary newsreel, filmed in all four corners of the country. I will show you, for instance, the beautifully painted cinema in Jakutsk, and I will comment upon it with the help of some Siberian sayings, which are already pictures themselves. His is a strategy that disempowers the voice through repetition, which is like movement, as Daney describes it.

For Daney, the voix off the soundtrack that is edited parallel to the images is a parasitical structure placed over the images, which attempts to be the site where all semantic power is gathered. Instead, voices circulate freely within the image, as objects among other objects.

In a chain of repetitions, Castro is always shown in the same situation, speaking to the people, surrounded by a forest of phallic microphones, fiddling with the movable part of the microphone during the applause. However, when we see the scene in Moscow, wherethe microphones are immobile, the speaker, irritated and in disbelief, begins to stammer, even threatens to fall silent, and his voice literally breaks on the structure of the speech. What then is left for Chris Marker's acousmatic strategy to accomplish?

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Herter Norton, Trans. Bellour, C. David, C. Van Assche eds. Van Assche, Y. Gevaert eds. Alge, Berlin, , 83 and 85; see also Bonitzer, Le regard de la voix, Paris, Rass eds. Filmessayist, eds. Tode, Munich, , p. Marker, Positif no.

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Empire of Signs, Hill and Wang, Marty ed. See also Chion, L'audiovision, Paris, , p. Filmessayist, B. Tode eds. Texte zum essayistischen Film, C. Wulf eds.